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金牌译作 到2015年我们能拯救地球吗?

857个读者 翻译: 黑色裙褶  12/05/2007 原文 引用 双语对照及眉批

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Can we save the world by 2015?

If international leaders were as united as the scientific community on climate change, warming might be a thing of the past. This year the UN's Nobel Prize-winning Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released a series of reports that laid to rest any doubts that global warming is real — and outlined the frightening consequences of continued inaction. At the release of the IPCC's final summary last month, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon — who has made climate change a top priority of his administration — laid out the threat in stark terms. "The world's scientists have spoken clearly, and with one voice," he said. "I expect the world's policymakers to act the same."

 

Unfortunately, the global political community is a long way from speaking with one voice on anything, and climate change is no exception. We'll know for sure next week, when environment and energy ministers from around the world meet on the Indonesian island of Bali, for the UN's climate change conference. The summit has been held nearly every year since 1992, when the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC) — the document that has since guided international work on global warming — was hammered out. It was at the 1997 conference, held in Japan, that the Kyoto Protocol was passed, but since then, there's been little progress, thanks in no small part to President George W. Bush's determined foot dragging on climate change.

But with the Kyoto set to go into effect in 2008, this year's talks in Bali will be the most important international environmental negotiations in over a decade. The Kyoto Protocol — which requires developed nations who have ratified the deal to cut their greenhouse gas emissions by an average of about 5% below 1990 levels by 2012 — expires in just five years. Given how long international treaties take to be developed and ratified, the world needs to begin immediately at Bali the process of preparing a successor to Kyoto to be ready by the end of 2012 — otherwise, we'll be faced with a global vacuum at the very moment when greenhouse emissions must begin falling in order to avoid dangerous climate change. "It's really critical to get negotiations formally started," says David Doniger, the policy director of the Natural Resource Defense Council's climate center. "We're almost at the point of no return. If we don't turn these emission trends down soon, we're cooked."

The good news is that the White House is seemingly the only place green hasn't gone mainstream. Just last week, 150 top global corporations — including General Electric, Johnson & Johnson and Shell — endorsed a petition calling for mandatory cuts in greenhouse gas emissions, a business position unthinkable just a year ago. Australia — a Kyoto holdout, like the U.S. — just elected a new Prime Minister with a strong environmental record who says he'll ratify the Protocol. States and cities in the U.S. have taken their own steps on climate change in the absence of action from the White House, and Congress is finally ready to step in; representatives just hammered out the details of a bill raising automobile fuel economy standards to 35 mpg. "The tenor seems to be different this time," says Jennifer Haverkamp, international counsel for Environmental Defense. "There is a building sense that enough time has been wasted and it is time to act."

One major dispute could trip up progress at Bali, however. Under Kyoto, only developed countries were required to make mandatory cuts in their carbon emissions; developing nations like China and India had no such demands. The U.S. has long maintained that it won't sign onto a new deal unless the developing countries are included in a more substantive way — a position unlikely to change even when the occupant of the White House does. Beijing and New Delhi both argue that the vast majority of historical carbon emissions came from the developed nations (CO2 stays in the air for up to 200 years), so action should come from the rich first — a contention arguably supported by the UNFCCC itself, which calls for "common but differentiated responsibilities" between nations on climate change. But the reality is that the bulk of future CO2 emissions will come from rapidly growing developing nations, and a climate deal that gave them a free pass would be useless. "We need a process that opens the door for negotiations for all economies," says Eileen Claussen, president of the Pew Center on Global Climate Change.

None of this will actually be decided at Bali. Despite the fact that we are rapidly running out of time to cap carbon emissions — the head of the IPCC has said the world has until 2015 at the latest — Bali is just the beginning of the beginning, not the end. As Claussen points out, a successful summit would be one that, counterintuitively, leaves much undecided — while attaching a firm deadline to the end of negotiations, with 2010 as the latest possible date. With the Bush Administration nearing lame duck status, a 2010 deadline would give a new U.S. Administration time — though not much time — to enter the process and hopefully take a leading position. That extra time might also allow China or India to soften their negotiating tactics, and perhaps accept lesser limitations, such as mandatory targets in energy efficiency or renewable power use. The best contribution President Bush can make for the Bali process is to continue doing what he has done best on climate change: nothing.

The whole process can seem frustratingly slow, considering how dire the threat of climate change is — as if we were convening a town hall meeting to decide to put out a fire that is already raging. "Getting 185 countries around a negotiating table is a difficult way to run the world," says Andrew Deutz, who heads the Nature Conservancy's International Institutions and Agreements team. "But the advantage of the UN process is that it's about the process. It can continue to evolve." That's already begun to happen in recent years, as consensus on global warming has grown in every corner of the world, as businesses have turned to alternative power and governments have begun to set their own caps on carbon. But we're in a race and we're already behind. If we can't get off to a good start at Bali, we may never catch up.

climate change iceberg 

冰山上的直升飞机

到2015年我们能拯救地球吗?

如果国际领导人与科学界在气候变化方面团结起来,气候变暖可能成为一个过去式。今年政府间气候变化专门委员会,联合国诺贝尔奖得主发表了一系列的报道,列明了关于全球变暖的一些疑问,全球变暖是真实的,并概述了继续不行动所带来的可怕后果。政府间气候变化专门委员会发布上月的最终总结,联合国秘书长潘基文--已经造成气候变化是他管理的首要任务,以刻板的术语摆明了其危害。“全世界的科学家已明确发表意见,异口同声”他说。“我期待全世界上决策者都采取相同的行动”。

不幸的是,全球性的政治共同体是一条漫长的路,在任何事情上异口同声,连气候变化也不例外。为确保下周,在印尼巴厘岛,就联合国的气候变化问题,来自世界各地环境和能源部长们举行会议。这一提案从1992年起近似每年都举行,联合国环境变迁公约 -该公约从那时起,在全球变暖问题上起了指导性作用--被敲定。曾在1997年在日本举行的会议上,京都议定书获得通过,但自此以后,只有小步的进展,很大程度上是由于美国总统乔治布什决定在气候变化方面缓慢推行。

但随着京都议定书生效于2008年,今年在巴厘岛的会谈将成为近10年来最重要的国际环境磋商。京都议定书-所有发达国家签署协议,要求在2008到2012五年间将温室气体排放量降低到1990年以下的水平(减少5%)。鉴于制定和签署国际条约,全世界都需要立即开始在巴厘岛的准备过程,截至2012年底为继任京都议定书必须作好准备,-否则,我们将面临一场全球性的真空,恰恰在这个时刻,温室气体排放量必须开始下降,以避免危险的气候变化。DAVID doniger (自然资源国防委员会的气候中心政策主任)认为,它的真正关键点是磋商正式开始了,我们几乎没有退路,如果我们不把这些废气排放趋势扭转的下降更快的话,我们将自食其果。

好消息是说,白宫似乎是唯一绿色没有成为主流的地方。就在上周, 全球前150强公司-包括通用电气公司,强生公司和壳牌公司-通过一项请愿书,要求强制削减温室气体排放量,其经营状况也仅仅在一年前无法想象。澳大利亚-京都议定书的拥护者,和美国一样-以良好的环保记录胜出的新一届总理表示,他将签署该议定书。在美国国家和城市,就算没有白宫,也已逐步就气候变化问题采取自己的步骤,并且委员会最终准备插手;代表刚刚敲定一项法案,提高汽车燃油经济性标准,达35英里/加仑。“誊本似乎有所不同”Jennifer Haverkamp(环境防御方面的国际律师)说:“这一建议有着建设性意义,已浪费了足够的时间,是时候采取行动了”。

在巴厘岛这一主要争议应该使进展受挫,然而,根据京都议定书,仅发达国家被强制要求消减碳排放量;发展中国家如中国和印度没有这种要求。美国长久以来一直认为,它不会签署一项新的协议,除非发展中国家已更实质性的方式被包含进来--甚至当白宫成为实际占有人,这个立场也不可能去改变。北京和新德里都争辩说,绝大多数历史碳排放量都来自于发达国家(二氧化碳停留在空中长达200多年),所以该行动应从发达国家做起--这一论点被联合国气候变化框架公约自己所认可,它们称,在气候变化国家之间应“共同但有责任分化”。但实际情况是,未来大部分的二氧化碳排放是在发展中国家迅速产生。并且气候协议给它们亮了绿灯,将是徒劳的。Eileen Claussen(美国皮尤全球气候变化中心主席)称,“为所有的经济体,我们需要一个打开磋商大门的过程”。

所有这一切实际上都决定在巴里岛。尽管事实上我们正迅速流逝碳排放量上限时间--政府间气候变化专门委员会的负责人称,最迟到2015年---巴厘岛仅仅是个开始的开始,而不是结尾。claussen指出,一个成功的首脑会议将会是其中一个, 容易混淆的是 ,留下了很多未定--与此同时明确了磋商的最后期限,也就是2010年可能成为这一截止期。随着布什政府接近跛脚鸭地位, 2010年的最后期限会在美国新政府阶段,--尽管没有多少时间--但对于进入这一过程并且有希望取得领导地位。这一额外的时间也可能让中国或印度去软化他们的谈判战术,并且或许接受较小的局限性,如在能源效率或可再生能源电力的使用方面的强制性目标。布什总统最有用的贡献是能使巴厘岛进程继续下去,但是对于气候变化本身没有任何贡献。

 
在整个过程中似乎缓慢的令人沮丧,考虑如此可怕的气候变化所带来的威胁。。好像我们正在召开会议决定去扑灭火一样,而现在已经是烈火熊熊。 Andrew Deutz(自然保护协会主席)称,“将185个国家环绕在一个谈判桌前是很困难的,但联合国起到了将这一进程继续演化下去的作用。”近些年来这种情况已经开始出现,随这全球变暖的逐渐波及到世界的每一个角落,因为企业已经转向由权利替代并且政府已经设定了它们本国的二氧化碳上限。但是在这一比赛中我们已经落后了。如果我们在巴厘岛这一会谈上没有一个好的开端的话,我们可能永远无法赶上去。


译者加:http://news.xinhuanet.com/misc/2002-09/03/content_548525.htmxinsrc_172ce16bc3c811d697d200b0d03f0aaf.jpg

 为了21世纪的地球免受气候变暖的威胁,1997年12月,149个国家和地区的代表在日本东京召开《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方第三次会议,经过紧张而艰难的谈判,会议通过了旨在限制发达国家温室气体排放量以抑制全球变暖的《京都议定书》。

  《京都议定书》规定,到2010年,所有发达国家排放的二氧化碳等6种温室气体的数量,要比1990年减少5.2%,发展中国家没有减排义务。对各发达国家说来,从2008年到2012年必须完成的削减目标是:与1990年相比,欧盟削减8%、美国削减7%、日本削减6%、加拿大削减6%、东欧各国削减5%~8%。新西兰、俄罗斯和乌克兰则不必削减,可将排放量稳定在1990年水平上。议定书同时允许爱尔兰、澳大利亚和挪威的排放量分别比1990年增加10%、8%、1%。《京都议定书》需要在占全球温室气体排放量55%的至少55个国家批准之后才具有国际法效力。今年3月,欧盟环境部长会议批准了《京都议定书》。6月,日本政府也批准了《京都议定书》。至此,批准议定书的国家已超过55个,但批准国家的温室气体排放量仅为全球温室气体排放总量的36%,尚不足以使《京都议定书》生效。

  美国人口仅占全球人口的3%至4%,而所排放的二氧化碳却占全球排放量的25%以上。美国曾于1998年11月签署了《京都议定书》。但去年3月,布什政府以“减少温室气体排放将会影响美国经济发展”和“发展中国家也应该承担减排和限排温室气体的义务”为借口,宣布拒绝执行《京都议定书》。

  2002年8月30日,中国常驻联合国代表王英凡大使向联合国秘书长安南交存了中国政府核准《〈联合国气候变化框架公约〉京都议定书》的核准书。中国于1998年5月29日签署了该议定书。2002年9月3日,中国国务院总理朱镕基在约翰内斯堡可持续发展世界首脑会议上讲话时宣布,中国已核准《〈联合国气候变化框架公约〉京都议定书》。



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