patriotism

Patriotism denotes positive and supportive attitudes to a \'fatherland\' (Latin patria < Greek patris, πατρίς), by individuals and groups. The \'fatherland\' (or \'motherland\') can be a region or a city, but patriotism usually applies to a nation and/or a nation-state. Patriotism covers such attitudes as: pride in its achievements and culture, the desire to preserve its character and the basis of the culture, and identification with other members of the nation. Patriotism is closely associated with nationalism, and the terms are often used synonymously. Strictly speaking, nationalism is an ideology - but it often promotes patriotic attitudes as desirable and appropriate. (Both nationalist political movements, and patriotic expression, may, yet need not, be negative towards other people\'s \'fatherland\').

Patriotism has ethical connotations: it implies that the \'fatherland\' (however defined) is a moral standard or moral value in itself. The expression my country right or wrong—perhaps a misquotation of the American naval officer Stephen Decatur, but also attributed to Carl Schurz—is the extreme form of this belief. Patriotism also implies that the individual should place the interests of the nation above their personal and group interests. In wartime, the sacrifice may extend to their own life. Death in battle for the fatherland is the archetype of extreme patriotism.

Types of patriotism

Magnets on automobiles became a popular way to display patriotism in the United States during the 2004 elections.

Personal patriotism is emotional and voluntary. The patriot adheres to certain patriotic values, such as respect for a flag.

Governments promote an official patriotism which has a high symbolic and ceremonial content. It is a logical consequence of the state itself, which derives legitimacy from being the expression of the common good of the political community. National monuments, and veterans days and commemoration ceremonies are typical examples. Often official patriotism is highly regulated by protocol, with specific methods for handling flags, or specific pledges and displays of allegiance.

Patriotism relies heavily on symbolic acts, such as displaying the flag, singing the national anthem, participating in a mass rally, placing a patriotic bumper sticker on one\'s vehicle, or any other way of publicly proclaiming allegiance to the state. Symbolic patriotism in wartime is intended to raise morale, in turn contributing to the war effort. Peacetime patriotism can not be so easily linked to a measurable gain for the state, but the patriot does not see it as inferior.

Some critics have maintained that (unlike modern nationalism, which is a creation of the 19th-century nation state) authentic patriotism (as the Latin \'pater\' would suggest) must be based in some form of genophilia and the sharing of ancestors.

Levels of patriotism vary across time, and among political communities. Typically, patriotic intensity is higher when the state is under external threat.

Conversely, high levels of patriotism tends to be coupled with belligerency according to the Correlates of War. As examples, patriotism was highly rated by Correlates of War in pre-WWI Germany, as is the US today in World Values Survey.

The ethics of patriotism

The United States consistently ranks as one of the most patriotic nations, and Americans often hold strong opinions about other nations.^[1]

The primary implication of patriotism in ethical theory is that a person has more moral duties to fellow members of the national community, than to non-members. Patriotism is selective in its altruism. Criticism of patriotism in ethics is mainly directed at this moral preference: Paul Gomberg compared it to racism.^[2] The view (in ethics) that moral duties apply equally to all humans is known as cosmopolitanism. (In practice, many patriots would see treason rather than cosmopolitanism as the "opposite of patriotism".)

Patriotism implies a value preference for a specific civic or political community. Universalist beliefs reject such specific preferences, in favor of an alternative, wider, community. In the European Union, thinkers such as Habermas, however, have advocated a European-wide patriotism, but patriotism in Europe is usually directed at the nation-state and often coincides with Euroscepticism.

As this modern patriotic poster suggests patriotism is often closely associated with other perceived national mores, in this case freedom.

Some religious believers place their religion above their \'fatherland\', often resulting in suspicion and hostility from patriots. Two examples of groups that have experienced this suspicion in the United States are Roman Catholics and Muslims. In the United States and the United Kingdom, Roman Catholics were seen as owing loyalty to the Pope rather than the nation. As a result, the Knights of Columbus (referred to as "the strong right arm of the church" by several Popes) established the virtue of patriotism as one of their four principle virtues. Muslims are sometimes seen as owing loyalty to the Islamic community (ummah) rather than to the nation. Other groups find a conflict between certain patriotic acts and religious beliefs. Jehovah\'s Witnesses and Mennonites may choose to refuse to engage in certain patriotic acts or to display certain symbols.

Supporters of patriotism in ethics regard it as amedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ec/Freedom_affirmation_poster%2C_USAF_%C2%B7_DF-SD-04-09863.JPEG/250px-Freedom_affirmation_poster%2C_USAF_%C2%B7_ virtue. In his influential article "Is patriotism a virtue?" (1984), the philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre notes that most contemporary conceptions of morality insist on a blindness to accidental traits like local origin and therefore reject patriotic selectivity. MacIntyre constructs an alternative conception of morality, that he claims would be compatible with patriotism. Charles Blattberg, in his book From Pluralist to Patriotic Politics (2000), has developed a similar conception of patriotism.

A problem with treating patriotism as an objective virtue is that patriotisms often conflict. Soldiers of both sides in a war may feel equally patriotic, creating an ethical paradox. (If patriotism is a virtue, then the enemy is virtuous, so why try to kill them?)

Within nations, politicians may appeal to patriotic emotions in attacking their opponents, implicitly or explicitly accusing them of betraying the country. Minorities may reject a patriotic loyalty and pride, which the majority finds unproblematic. They may feel excluded from the political community, and see no reason to be proud of it. The Australian political conflict about the Black armband view of history is an example. Conservative Prime Minister John Howard, who would undoubtedly describe himself as an Australian patriot, said of it in 1996:

The \'black armband\' view of our history reflects a belief that most Australian history since 1788 has been little more than a disgraceful story of imperialism, exploitation, racism, sexism and other forms of discrimination.

In the United States, patriotic history has been criticised for de-emphasising the post-Colombian depopulation, the Atlantic slave trade, the population expulsions and the wars of conquest against Native Americans.

Patriotism is often portrayed as a more positive alternative to nationalism, which sometimes carries negative connotations. Some authors such as Morris Janowitz, Daniel Bar-Tal, or L. Snyder argue that patriotism is distinguished from nationalism by its lack of aggression or hatred for others, its defensiveness, and positive community building. Others, such as Michael Billig or Jean Bethke Elshtain argue that the difference is difficult to discern, and relies largely on the attitude of the labeller. ^[3]

Patriotism for other countries?

There are historical examples of individuals who fought for other countries, sometimes for their independence - for example the Marquis de Lafayette, Tadeusz Kościuszko and Kazimierz Pułaski in the American Revolutionary War, and the "Philhellenes," western Europeans who fought in the Greek War of Independence, notably Lord Byron. Was Lafayette an American patriot, or the Philhellenes Greek patriots? Alasdair MacIntyre would claim that they were not; that these and similar cases are instances of idealism, but not of patriotism. Under this view, Lafayette was only devoted to the ideals of political liberty that underlay the American Revolution, but was not specifically patriotic for America. For MacIntyre, patriotism by definition can only be a preference for one\'s own country, not a preference for the ideals that a country is believed to stand for. Charles Blattberg\'s conception of patriotism, however, is more nuanced: to him, a patriot can be critical of his or her country for failing to live up to its ideals.

爱国主义

什么是爱国主义

爱国主义是指个人或集体对母国的一种积极和支持的态度。这里的母国可以是一个区域或者城市，但是爱国主义一般用于一个国家或者联邦。爱国主义包含了这样的态度：对母国的成就和文化感到自豪；强烈希望保留母国的特色和文化基础；对母国其他同胞的认同感。这个词与“民族主义”是近义词，常常紧密联系。严格地说，民族主义是一种意识形态，它经常宣扬爱国主义是一种有需要并且合适的态度。（民族主义的政治运动和爱国主义表现可能会对其他国家的人们造成伤害，尽管这不必要。）

爱国主义隐含了一层道德规范：它暗示母国是道德标准和道德价值。那种“我的国家是对的还是错的”的说法便是此中的极端（这种说法来自于对美国最年轻的海军军官史蒂芬和内战将领卡尔的误引）。爱国主义还暗示着个体应该把国家利益放在个人和团体利益之上。在战争时期，这种牺牲会扩大到献出自己的生命。极端爱国主义的模型就是在保卫国土的战役中牺牲。

爱国主义的类型

汽车上的磁铁在2004年的美国大选中成为了一种流行的方式来展示爱国主义。

个人爱国主义是一种自愿的情绪。爱国主义者忠于爱国主义价值，比如对国旗的尊重。

政府推行的国家爱国主义含有高度象征化和仪式化的内容。这些内容的陈述对爱国主义的推行有着逻辑性的关联——通过对政党利益的表述使其合法。国家纪念杯，对以往战争的描述和纪念仪式都是典型的例子。国家爱国主义经常规定严格的仪式，比如规定如何升国旗，致敬礼和忠诚的形式。

爱国主义十分依靠各种形式的行为来表达，比如展示国旗，唱国歌，参加群众大会，往轿车的防撞杠上贴爱国主义贴纸，或者其他各种对国家表达忠心的方式。某些战争时期的爱国主义形式是为了提高士气，并使士兵因此奋战。和平时期没那么容易用对国家的贡献来衡量爱国程度，但是爱国主义者并不认为它因此就不重要了。

一些评论认为狂热的爱国主义（不是一种现代民族主义，而是19世纪国家的创造物）必须基于某种形式的共同祖先或者精神图腾。

爱国主义的程度随着时间不同而不同，并且取决于政治社会环境。典型地，爱国主义程度会在国家受到外部威胁的时候升高。

反过来，高程度的爱国主义又会使国家变得好战。比如二战时的德国和现在的美国。

爱国主义的道德规范

美国一直是爱国主义最盛行的国家之一，并且他们对其他国家怀着强烈的偏见。

爱国主义道德规范中最重要的一条就是相比其他国家的人，你对同胞的道德责任更大。爱国主义中的利他主义是有选择性的。对爱国主义道德规范的批评大多集中在它的道德偏向上，保罗 刚伯格（Paul Gomberg）曾拿爱国主义和种族主义比较。但是有一种观点认为每个人对所有人类的道德责任都一样。这被称为世界大同主义。（事实上，很多爱国主义者情愿把持这种观点的人称为通敌者）。

爱国主义表达了对某一特殊公民或者政党的价值偏好。泛世者并不认同这种特殊的偏好。他们选择一种更加宽阔的价值体系作为替代。在欧盟，像荷伯马斯（habermas）这样的思考者倡导一种以欧洲为整体的爱国主义，但是不幸的是欧洲的爱国主义大多局限在一国内，并常常带有怀疑整体欧洲的特点。

正如这本现代爱国杂志所表明的那样，爱国主义是一种能被其他人感知的国家理念，在这里便是自由。

一些把宗教的位置放在母国之上的信教者经常招致爱国主义者的怀疑和敌意。举个例子，在美国境内经常遭受这种怀疑的是天主教会和穆斯林教会。在美英两国，天主教会对教皇忠诚甚于对国家的忠诚。因此，作为教会得力助手的哥伦布骑士会把爱国主义当作其四项美德之一。而穆斯林则把高于国家的忠诚献给伊斯兰教会。其他团体发现很难在宗教信仰和爱国行为之间找平衡点。耶和华见证人（基督教的一派）和门诺会则选择坚决抵制任何显示爱国主义象征的活动。

爱国主义的拥护者则把它所代表的道德规范当作一种美德。在哲学家阿拉斯戴尔（Alasdair MacIntyre）的著作《爱国主义是美德吗？》中，他指出一个时代对道德概念的原则建立在对来源地等偶然特性的盲目崇拜上（意指非理性），因此也就拒绝爱国主义可以选择这一观点。他认为应该建立一种可以替代的道德概念，这种概念可以和爱国主义同时相存。查尔斯（Charles Blattberg）在《从多元主义政治到爱国主义政治》中也阐述了类似的爱国主义观念。

要把爱国主义当作一种美德就得面对一个问题，那就是爱国主义者之间经常冲突。交战双方的士兵都觉得自己很爱国，于是就制造出一个道德两难的境地。（如果爱国主义是种美德，那敌人也是好人。那为什么要杀他们呢？）

在各个国家里，政客们会利用爱国情绪来攻击他们的政敌，隐约或者明显地指责政敌背叛国家。小众可能会拒绝大众觉得理所当然的爱国主义忠诚。他们可能会觉得自己被排除在政党之外所以也没有理由为它自豪。澳大利亚关于"对历史的黑臂章回顾"就是这种冲突的例子。保守派首相约翰 豪沃德（John Howard）—他当然把自己当成百分百的澳大利亚爱国者—在1996年说：

“对我国从1788年以来的历史回顾中发现我们的历史不过是一个令人羞耻的故事，其中包含了帝国主义，资源滥采，种族主义，性别主义和其他各种形式的歧视。”

在美国，爱国主义的历史一直因为以下原因被指责。它们是：对哥伦布之前的土著的灭绝政策，大西洋奴隶贸易，民族驱逐，和针对领土扩张中的侵略行为。

爱国主义经常被描写成正面的民族主义（它经常代表着一些负面含义）。许多作家认为爱国主义区别于民族主义的地方是爱国主义具有较少的攻击性和对其他人的仇恨，还有它的防卫理念和对社会的正面作用。但是其他一些作家认为两者区别很小，就看你怎么看了。

对他国的爱国主义？

历史上的确有一些人为了他国而战斗，有时是为了他们的独立。比如马贵斯·拉法叶，杜什·科希丘什科和普拉斯基等参加了美国革命战争，西欧人菲荷里尼为了希腊独立而战斗,他就是著名的拜伦爵士。那么拉法叶是美国的爱国者，还是菲荷里尼是希腊的爱国者呢？阿拉斯戴尔会说他们两个都不是。这些人都是理想主义者而非爱国主义者。从这个角度看，拉法叶不过是投身于美国革命所蕴含的政治自由理念，而非对美国怀有特殊的爱国之情。阿拉斯戴尔认为爱国主义只能是本国人们的选择，而不是那些热爱这个国家的信念的他国人的选择。查尔斯（Charles Blattberg）对爱国主义的观点则形象的多：在他看来，爱国主义者是那些甘愿为了批评自己国家而献身理想的人。