Cover Story Excerpt:
Savor the moment. For the first time in history, two women were the principals in the traditional "kissing hands upon appointment" — a ceremony in which the leader of the winning party is summoned to Buckingham Palace, there to be designated Prime Minister of Britain by the monarch and asked to form a government. The monarch, of course, was Queen Elizabeth II. The Prime Minister was Margaret Hilda Thatcher, 53, a grocer's daughter from the English Midlands, who last week led her Conservative Party to a decisive victory over James Callaghan's Labor Party. The Tories won a solid majority of 43 seats in the 635-member House of Commons, and Thatcher thereby became not only the first woman to head a British government but the first to lead a major Western nation...Read the full story
Even before the vote tally established that the Conservatives had an absolute majority of 318 seats, outgoing Prime Minister Callaghan drove to Buckingham Palace last Friday to hand in his resignation to the Queen. Minutes after he left the palace precincts, Thatcher was on her way to "kiss hands" and receive the royal commission to form a government. Denis Thatcher accompanied his wife to the palace; like Prime Ministers' spouses before him, he remained downstairs to chat with the Queen's aides.
Following an audience that lasted 45 minutes, the Thatchers drove in a black Rover limousine to No. 10 Downing Street, the official residence of Prime Ministers. The Callaghans had already packed and left, not in haste but in keeping with a longstanding British tradition that the transfer of power in all its aspects should be quick and decorous.
Downing Street was packed with well-wishers and photographers when Thatcher arrived. Expressing delight and excitement over her victory, Britain's "Iron Lady" made a conciliatory statement clearly addressed to a nation poised uneasily for change: "I would like to remember some words of St. Francis of Assisi, which I think are particularly apt at the moment: 'Where there is discord, may we bring harmony; where there is doubt, may we bring faith; where there is despair, may we bring hope.' Now that the election is over, may we get together and strive to serve and strengthen the country."
At Labor Party headquarters a few blocks away, "Sunny Jim" Callaghan, 67, spoke of his defeat with the same reserve and gentle dignity that marked his campaign. He publicly congratulated his successor as Prime Minister. "It is a great office," he said, "a wonderful privilege, and for a woman to occupy that office is, I think, a tremendous moment in the country's history. Therefore, everybody must on behalf of all our people wish her well and wish her success."
Callaghan, who easily recaptured his home constituency in Wales, now becomes leader of the opposition. He will be less tormented by the Labor Party's left wing, many of whose zealous members went down to defeat in marginal districts. So did the most able woman in his Cabinet, former Education Secretary Shirley Williams, 48. Another loser, predictably, was onetime Liberal Leader Jeremy Thorpe, 50, who soon faces trial on charges of conspiracy and incitement to murder a man who claimed to be his lover. A Tory easily bested eight other candidates to take Thorpe's North Devon seat.
Throughout the four-week campaign, which was brought about when Callaghan's government narrowly lost a vote of confidence in March, both major parties emphasized that Britain faced a clear choice. Callaghan offered a continuation of the moderate social democratic policies that have dominated British political and economic life since the end of World War II. Thatcher presented a clear break with the socialist past, advocating a return to the market economy and a retrenching of Britain's welfare state. As some commentators saw it, Labor, in a reversal of traditional roles, had become the party of established orthodoxy, while the Conservatives advocated radical reform.
The Tories entered the campaign with a lead of up to 21% in early polling. That was largely a result of public anger and frustration over a bitter winter of strikes and industrial strife that severely undermined Labor's claim to be the only party that could deal successfully with Britain's powerful trade unions. As the campaign continued, the Tory lead steadily dwindled; two days before the election one poll even showed a slight Labor edge. There seemed little doubt about the reason for the decline: the personality of Margaret Thatcher. To avoid a major gaffe by their outspoken leader, Tory strategists designed a media campaign to keep her on camera but away from confrontation. Nevertheless, Thatcher's sometimes hectoring, sometimes condescending manner irritated many voters. In one poll last week, she ranked behind both Callaghan and the Liberals' David Steel as a campaign performer. In the end, though, the desire for change proved overwhelming, and on election day Britons voted in near record numbers for the Tories and their fighting lady.
Thatcher thus takes her place alongside Israel's Golda Meir, India's Indira Gandhi and Sri Lanka's Sirimavo Bandaranaike as modern women politicians who have made it to the top. In keeping with British tradition, Thatcher will be addressed simply as "Prime Minister." Even before she paid her first visit to Downing Street, her campaign aides had arrived, their arms loaded with paper work. The government of a determined woman whose work ethic had been forged in the heartland of England was taking shape with no delay.
Grantham, a market town of 28,000 in Lincolnshire, has three claims to fame: the 281-ft. spire of St. Wulfram's Church is the third highest in England, Sir Isaac Newton went to school there, and Margaret Hilda Thatcher (nee Roberts) was born and raised in an apartment over her family's grocery store at the corner of North Parade and Broad streets.
A bootmaker's son, Alfred Roberts was a pillar of the Methodist Church and once served as the mayor of Grantham. He and his wife Beatrice, a seamstress before her marriage, kept a well-appointed shop that also served as the local post office. They lived upstairs in spotless quarters, although the bathroom was in the backyard. For Margaret and her elder sister Muriel, now 57, family life in Grantham was frugal but warm, with a vision of something better: work hard, pay cash, save and get ahead. Years later, Thatcher remembered that "my parents embedded in us very strongly that work and cleanliness were next to godliness. There was more than just having to work to live—there was work as a duty."
Margaret Roberts, who was never called "Maggie," is remembered in Grantham as a studious, determined little girl with the cherubic looks of a cupid on a Victorian valentine. At the age of nine, she won a poetry-reading prize at the annual town festival. Her headmistress at Hunting Town Road Elementary School offered congratulations, saying, "You were lucky!" To which Margaret replied: "I wasn't lucky. I deserved it."
There are no recollections in Grantham of Margaret with chums or boyfriends. She was an exceptionally pretty girl, but very earnest. As teen-agers she and Muriel would help out in the store. Thatcher remembers fondly: "We used to stand in the shop sometimes late on a Saturday evening. It was quite a big shop, with all the beautiful mahogany fitments that I now see in the antique shops. A lot of people came in, and with Father on the [town] council, and knowing we were all interested in what was going on in the world, we would talk quite late." In this grass-roots setting, her conservative political views came into focus. By the time she was in her late teens, she has said, "politics was in my bloodstream."
A career in either politics or law, her other main interest, seemed beyond the family's means. "There was no question of my thinking I had a political future," she once observed. "We could not have afforded it . . . Somehow, if people wanted to get on in the world, they went into the professions. It made a good deal of impression on me that we were in trade. I've always been trade all my life."
But Alfred Roberts was determined that his daughters would have a better life than the family shop. "Very few girls from Grantham went to any university, much less Oxford," says John Foster, a local businessman. "But Margaret and her father were set on Oxford." The university required Latin for all entering students, a course not offered to girls in Grantham at that time. Roberts solved the problem: he hired a tutor for his daughter, and in three months she was able to meet the university's Latin qualifications.
封面故事简介:
历史上第一次由两位女士担当传统的“吻手并任命”仪式的主角:在这个仪式中获得选举胜利的党派领袖被召到白金汉宫,由君主任命为首相,并授权组建政府。君主当然是伊丽莎白二世。首相是53岁的玛格丽特 希尔德 撒切尔夫人,来自英格兰中部的杂货商的女儿,上星期她领导的保守党对詹姆斯领导的工党取得了压倒性的胜利。托利党在下议院635席中占有43席的优势,撒切尔由此成为英国政府第一位女领导人,也是西方大国的第一位女性领袖。
甚至在投票完全结束前,保守党就取得了318席的绝对优势,卸任的首相卡拉汉上周五前往白金汉宫向女王递交辞呈。他离开几分钟后,撒切尔上路去“吻手”接受委任组建政府。丹尼斯 撒切尔陪同妻子前往白金汉宫,向以往的历任首相配偶一样,他留在楼下与女王的助手聊天。
45分钟后,撒切尔夫妇坐上一辆黑色的罗孚轿车前往唐宁街10号,首相的正式官邸。卡拉汉已经整理好行装离开了,虽然并不慌乱,但是根据英国的传统,权力的交接应该是迅速的。
当撒切尔到达的时候,唐宁街挤满了祝贺者和摄影师。铁娘子发表了一个声明:我想圣佛兰西斯的话适合今天的场合---哪里有无序,让我们把和谐带到;哪里有怀疑,让我们把信任带到;哪里有绝望,让我们把希望带到。现在选举已经结束了,让我们一起努力为祖国服务使她更为强大。
在几个街区外的工党总部,67岁的卡拉汉,对自己的失败发表了一个含蓄温和的声明,一如他的竞选。他祝福他的继任者:那是一个伟大的机构,享有巨大的权力,现在一位女士掌管那里了,我想这会是这个国家历史上光辉的一刻。每个代表人民的人们都会祝贺她的成功。
卡拉汉现在是反对党的领袖了,他轻易的在故乡威尔士选区获胜。由于工党的左翼中许多狂热分子在边远地区的选举中失败,他不会受到来自左翼的太大压力。他内阁中最能干的成员,48岁的雪莉 威廉斯前教育部长。另一位失败者是前自由党领袖50岁的杰瑞米将面临指控,他被控谋杀了一位自称为杰瑞米情人的男子。一位保守党人轻易的击败了其他八位候选人获得了杰瑞米在北德文的席位。
在过去的四周选战中,卡拉汉政府在三月份失去了关键的一个信任票,两个政党都强调英国面临抉择。卡拉汉提供的是自二战以来统治英国政治经济的温和政策。而撒切尔夫人明确表示与社会主义者决裂,回到市场经济,削弱英国的福利色彩。就像一些观察家指出的,工党颠覆了传统变得保守,反过来,保守党却变得激进。
保守党在选举开始时占有高达21%的领先优势。过去一个冬天的罢工严重削弱了工党的威信,原先它被认为是唯一能够与产业联合会协调的政党。在之后的选战中保守党的优势逐步缩减,在选举前两天的一次民意测验中,工党甚至略有优势。原因很简单:撒切尔夫人的个性。为了避免撒切尔夫人失言,保守党的竞选者们发起了一个媒体运动--让撒切尔在始终在镜头下却避免对抗。尽管如此,撒切尔的风格还是惹恼了许多选民。在选举前一周,她的表现不如卡拉汉和自由党的大卫。到了最后,要求改变的愿望占了上风,在选举日那一天投票选举铁娘子和保守党的英国人达到创纪录的新高。
撒切尔夫人从而与以色列的哥达 梅厄,印度的甘地夫人和斯里兰卡的西丽玛沃班达拉奈克一样成为现代女性政治家。根据英国传统,撒切尔被简单的称为首相。在她首次拜访唐宁街之前,她的助手们已经带着文件到达。这个有魄力的女人所领导的政府已经形成雷厉风行的工作作风。
格兰哈姆,离林肯郡3公里远的一个集市,因为三件事闻名:281英尺高的圣WULFRAM尖塔,在英国名列第三;牛顿曾在此就学;玛格丽特 希尔德 撒切尔(父名罗伯特)在此出生和成长,她家就在自家的杂货铺上。
阿佛雷德 罗伯特作为一位鞋匠的儿子,是卫理公会的虔诚教徒,一度是格兰哈姆的市长.他的太太曾经是位裁缝,一起经营一家店铺(同时兼做邮局)。虽然洗手间在院子里,他们的卧室可是一尘不染。对玛格丽特和她今年57岁的姐姐来说,抱着乐观的态度:努力工作,现金付账,储蓄,进步。时隔多年,撒切尔仍然记得:我的父母灌输给我们这样的信念--工作和清洁仅此于虔诚。工作不仅是为了生活,更是一种责任。
玛格丽特 罗伯特从来没有被称为“玛姬”过,在格兰哈姆人的记忆里是一位勤奋有上进心的女孩。九岁时,她在城镇节日里获得了诗歌朗读的奖金。她的小学女校长祝贺她:“你真幸运!”玛格丽特回应说:“我不是幸运,这是我该得的。”
在格兰哈姆,玛格丽特没有过男朋友。她非常漂亮同时也很诚恳。在十来岁时,她和姐姐一起在家里开的店里帮忙。撒切尔夫人饶有兴趣的回忆:“我们经常在星期六的晚上在店里帮忙。店相当大,有许多现在我在古董店里看到的桃心木家具。很多人来店里跟父亲谈天,他们知道我们对世界上正在发生的事情感兴趣,我们会谈到很晚。”就在这样的基层里,她的保守的政治观点开始形成。在她十八九岁时,她说:“政治流淌在我的血管里。”
政治或者法律,并不出于家庭的意料。“毫无疑问,我会从政。”有次她说“如果人们想在世界上有所成就,他们得进入行业。我们家在做生意这件事给我很深的印象。我这辈子都在做生意。”
阿弗雷德罗伯特决定他的女儿们应该有比他更好的生活。“我们这很少有女孩上大学,更别提牛津了。”约翰 福斯特,一位当地的商人说“但是玛格丽特和她父亲瞄准的是牛津。”牛津要求申请入学的学生懂拉丁文,格兰哈姆那时没有这样的课程。罗伯特解决了这个问题:他为女儿请了一位家庭教师。三个月后,她合格了。“
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TIME最佳封面1979--撒切尔夫人(1,2,3/9)
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